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Maybe Davies was right to prefer the institutional definition to the functional one; for his point of view was that the institutional approach is a more general and neutral one than the historically or culturally standardized functional definitions of art.
In this sense, the institutional approach is value free; but it is precisely this freedom of value which constitutes the weakness of institutionalism, because it blocks all thinking about the value the arts contribute to society and the functions they are able to serve.
After having studied the different approaches and the key terms used, it can finally be concluded that what is usually called a functional or functionalist approach especially concerns not the functions of art, but its values.
This description gives rise to the question of whether it is necessary to consider art principally as a non-functional phenomenon.
It seems to be more useful, however, to separate the production of aesthetic values from the intrinsic and extrinsic functions to be fulfilled through the realization of these values by users.
This is an intermediary section that bridges the gap between institutional approaches to art on the one hand and questions of how the arts acquire meaning and significance in a culture from an organizational perspective, on the other.
This philosophical expedition can not and will not be exhaustive; instead, I try to categorize contemporary ideas on the characteristics of aesthetic experience which can then be used to study the functioning of art in society.
Together with the more or less stable, historically shaped and changing patterns to which they are related, these processes form the basis for ways of production, distribution and reception of art, and even partially of the contextualization of the effects of aesthetic experiences.
And, as an important consequence of this, one can expect that differences on the level of these patterns and processes will cause differences in the functioning of art in a society.
With this in mind, one of the motivations for writing this book is to find ways of thinking which might allow one to discover whether and if so, how the functioning of art in different countries might well be based on the differences in the organisation of production, distribution or reception.
The functioning of art worlds In art theory a kind of overlap or entanglement exists between the terms value, function and functioning e.
Kieran and Davies In this study, value of art will be used to describe the capacity of artworks to generate aesthetic experience in the act of reception.
Through this description it will become clear that the value of art is, on the one hand, considered to be an objective category in the sense that an artwork holds within itself the very conditions for a possible aesthetic experience and that all artworks have this value in common; while, on the other hand, it has an aesthetic value which has to be seen as a subjective category, in the sense that the value of a work exists in its being felt as an experience by art consumers and, consequently, as something specific in a personal or in a group-bound way.
Whereas the value of art lies in its capacity to generate aesthetic experiences, the value of an artwork can be found in the way in which this particular work is able to generate aesthetic experiences.
Although the specific value of art appears here to be very close to the specific function, the first can be identified as generating an aesthetic experience by forcing the perception domain to produce new schemata, in order to sharpen perceptive capacity or to strengthen imaginative power, which can be seen as aesthetic functions.
Once one begins to wonder why the production of aesthetic value is of any importance, or once one begins to read the phrases which governments use to legitimize their financial support for the arts, the thinking on the functions of art starts.
In short, the difference between value and function is that the first serves the second. The term functioning brings us back to the main topic of this book.
This is a complex notion because it can refer to art as such, as well as to the art world. The former will be seen here as a part of the latter.
In addition, not only can the operation of the system in structures and processes be meant when using the word functioning in the context of art or the art world, but also the various outcomes of the operation in terms of types of artworks and the use made of them by people or groups of people.
Counting four different domains in, or directly linked with, an art world domains of production, distribution, reception and context and three levels at which these domains can be studied individual, institutional and societal , the question of how an art world functions can be approached in at least 87 ways.
Figure 0. Organizational structures, processes and outcomes are actually three moments in the operation of a system. On the one hand, contextual systems politics, education, economy can be of significance for the operation of the art world; on the other hand, the results of the operation of the art world can have an impact on those very contextual systems.
These processes can be defined as processes by which the assimilation of the outcomes of one system is organized in another system.
Because of this choice and in spite of the fact that all parts of the model are equal, some columns and rows can be indicated as being more crucial than others, as is shown in figure 0.
Structures Personnel and mutual relations. Working conditions Personnel and mutual relations. Working conditions.
Space Perception and communication schemata of user s Total mindset user s Processes Conceiving Elaborating Rehearsing, etc.
In many cases this domain is understood as an extension of art production, whether in the form of exhibitions or performances.
But even in that particular case the fact is that audiences meet an extensive aesthetic service, with the original artwork at its core, but it is this service as a whole that will attract people, make an aesthetic experience possible for them and carve out a place in their lives.
So, the column of distribution, in which the aesthetic production is transformed and made available in events, is very central to the functioning of an art world, in that it brings production and reception together and organizes the aesthetic experience in specific ways.
It is hoped that this line drawn from institutional thinking on the arts, via an effort to discern various values of the arts, towards the organizational patterns and processes in art worlds, will help scholars in this field, as well as practitioners and even politicians, to understand how art world systems can support the functioning of the arts in society; or, in other words to shape conditions for the societal realization of their values.
In the second part, a distinction between aesthetic and artistic experiences will be discussed further. In the model presented here, the term reception has been preferred over the term consumption, in order to emphasize that, in perceiving, art audiences carry out their own production process.
This is based on the choice of whether to consider the societal use made of art as the first function of an art world, rather than the development of art as such, which remains, of course, an essential condition.
See e. In a number of articles and four books published during this period, he defended his approach against what he called instrumental, traditional or romantic theories; all of these, however, were discussed by Stephen Davies as functional theories in his thorough comparison of institutional and functional definitions of art Davies Reading Dickie means a continuous confrontation with Beardsley, with whom he more or less seems to be fascinated.
At the same time, his list of books also shows a deep interest in the characteristics and values of artworks.
An Institutional Analysis , he notes: In developing my own conception of aesthetic object I will be following the lead of Monroe Beardsley.
In so doing, it will be necessary to reject one part of his theory and to develop a network of ideas underlying his theory but not explicitly recognized by him.
Dickie And ten years later, when Dickie aimed to improve and complete his institutional theory, he wrote The Art Circle.
A Theory of Art ; this book was dedicated to none other than Monroe Beardsley. His views will play a part in the second part of this book dealing with the values and functions of art.
The first problem arose as soon as an object is considered to be art but looks exactly like a real object.
Something is needed to make a distinction between the two objects possible and in order to see the one as reality and the other as a work of art.
It is the theory of art that takes it up into the world of art, and keeps it from collapsing into the real object it is.
Apart from the functional implications of this view and leaving aside the interesting question of who it was Danto considered to be the kings of his time, the essence of this statement is that Brillo boxes as artworks have something to say, something to express themselves and are not purely a repetition of real Brillo boxes.
There is a certain space between Brillo boxes as artworks and Brillo boxes as reality, and this space is filled by the artwork through its saying something about reality.
The answer, writes Danto, lies in the fact that this artist has returned to the physicality of paint through an atmosphere compounded of artistic theories and the history of recent and remoter painting.
In point of fact, Danto deliberately aimed to shift the attention of art historians, critics and other professionals from the traditional idea that artworks have intrinsic and typical features which make them art, to the view that works become art on the basis of their position in the historical context, in other words because of their position in an art world.
Dickie misinterprets this approach: I take Danto to be implying that the painters of Lascaux or any other persons must either be aestheticians and consciously hold an art theory or have an art theory told to them by an aesthetician so that they can consciously hold the theory in order to create works of art.
In my opinion, Danto is right not only for his own time, but also for the periods before. His concern was that objects or works could only be seen as art if a conscious distinction between art and non-art was available.
A second controversy between Dickie and Danto concerns the contributions of the latter to the much-needed revision of art theory. In both conceptions Dickie finds a space between artworks and something else.
For Danto it is the space between the artwork and what it represents that matters; for the institutional theory it is the space between art and not-art.
That Dickie has difficulties in recognizing this could be caused by the fact that Danto tries to integrate his contextual concept with his interest in intrinsic features of art.
Dickie, in addition, cannot free himself from the latter interest, if only because of his relationship to Beardsley.
Of course, he was reacting with this statement, as Danto and Dickie would do a couple of years later, to the inability of traditional efforts to define art on the basis of intrinsic properties, such as aspects of form, expression or mimesis; he rightly establishes that works can always be found which do not meet the criteria in these terms, but which are, nevertheless, considered artworks.
But from his first major publication onwards , Aesthetics: an Introduction , the latter also criticized Weitz for his conclusion that art had no essence and thus could not be defined, saying that this view could be true for the traditional aesthetic theories mentioned, but not necessarily for all art theories.
Dickie thought an institutional definition of art was definitely possible. The institutional theory is fully based on the classificatory meaning of the notion of artwork.
An example of this might be a finely formed piece of wood or stone which can be seen as art simply because the wonderful or surprising appearance of a bird can be recognised in it, thus making it as beautiful as art.
In his later work e. This third meaning suddenly opens up the possibility of being art to three types of works: forgeries, results of activities of animals, and natural objects.
In judging the fine piece of wood in the form of a bird to be an artwork, both the evaluative and the derivative meaning are active.
In order to speak of artworks in this classificatory sense, artifactuality is for Dickie a conditio sine qua non. Activities of such a different type could not generate similar types of outcomes, and, from this point of view, it was not illogical, according to Dickey, that the entire philosophy of art had always been occupied with artifactual art Artifactuality, consequently, played a central part in the definitions Dickie presented from on.
Dickie repeated this definition and worked it out in Arts and the Aesthetics, an Institutional Analysis , his first main study on the institutional theory of art.
One of the problems his first definition raised was the fact that art history includes artworks that seem not to have been produced by the activity of artists.
In Dickie still held the opinion that in the act of exhibiting not only the status of candidate for appreciation, but also that of artifactuality, should be ascribed to the object.
Dickie asked the rhetorical question of whether art can be created independently of a framework. With this description Dickie is not far removed from Howard S.
Becker anymore; Becker made the role of conventions one of the core themes of his approach, as will be discussed in the next chapter.
Now he thinks that a series of definitions, not only of the centre, but of all vital parts of the framework should serve to conclude his arguments.
To make it a bit more concrete: the theatre world is a framework for the presentation of a theatre production by theatre artists to an audience, the members of which possibly understand this production.
Dickie is aware of this and also knows that in modernist scholarly work this type of definition is not acceptable. In his publications he even devoted a certain amount of attention to these matters, mostly in the form of a dispute within the framework of his own theoretical attempts.
So there is more to art than the institutional theory talks about Consequently the essence of art can only be formulated within an institutional theory.
Whether this point of view can be considered a correct one will be the subject of research in the second part of the present study.
When Dickie wrote The Art Circle he had the feeling that his institutional theory was ready and he was right: it was finished and sufficient; the circle was round and the statement had been made.
As he says, his theory does not do very much to provide help with thinking about the functioning of art in society, nor does it strongly support the attempts to find out how art world systems make art, artists and artworks function in society; what this institutional theory mainly does is aim for the victory over definitions of art based on essential properties, values or functions.
For art sociologists who are trying to discover the functioning of art and art worlds, this understanding of the distinction between both ways of thinking opens up the possibility of investigating the possible relationships between them.
Both of these aspects have been extensively worked out by Howard S. Becker, as will be shown in the next chapter. The latter will be briefly discussed in the next chapter in relation to Howard S.
This piece of music consisted of the sounds heard during a period of four minutes and thirty-three seconds of not playing the instruments s.
This terminological question will be discussed in depth at the end of part one of this study. Becker and Paul Dimaggio 2.
Becker and published in , was a book-in-between. None of the participants in these discussions develops as organizationally complicated a conception of what an art world is as in this book, although my description is not incompatible with their arguments.
Four of these problems are discussed briefly, under the titles: Who? How Much? This also means that the status of artworks depends on an often unstable consensus among participants in an art world, which, by the way, is not at all in contradiction to the institutional approach.
Bourdieu, as we will see, is a bit more precise on this point, stating that activities influencing an existing field can be considered part of it.
Because he defines art worlds in terms of the activities their participants carry on collectively, Becker tends to discern many different art worlds, although he also sees two types of factors which concern all of them, so that from a certain point of view one can speak about one art world as well.
The founding fathers of symbolic interactionism at the University of Chicago, such as C. Cooley , G. Mead and H. Blumer , developed the social psychology of the Chicago School in a direction that gave more space to human beings in their struggle with existing social structures.
The Dutch art sociologist Ton Bevers calls this approach the social-scientific perspective, which takes a position in the middle between two poles: the individual and society.
This challenge has also been taken up by Becker and Bourdieu, but in two essentially different ways, based on their points of view as well as their working methods.
More about this will become clear in this and the following chapter, but here it can already be said that both, in doing research on social relationships, stake out very different positions on the scale between the individual and the institution.
Whereas Becker, coming from an interactionist tradition, stresses that human beings make their own history, his European counterpart, coming from a structuralist tradition, bases his research especially on the given circumstances with which human beings are confronted.
Before these thematic elaborations take place, a conceptual chapter is devoted to the role of conventions. I have used the term [art world] Institutionalist Pragmatism of Becker and Dimaggio 2.
IX Although the activities to be done vary from one sub discipline to the other, Becker composes a provisional list of seven regular activities in making art.
The next stage is that the idea, be it a film script, a composition or a design for a monumental sculpture, has to be executed 2.
For many disciplines it is also true that execution of the idea needs materials and equipment, such as paints, cameras or musical instruments that have to be manufactured 3.
To develop ideas, to execute them and to distribute the results requires in most cases various supporting activities 5 , such as copy editing, sweeping the stage, bringing coffee and manipulating machinery.
Two other types of activities, finally, are not concerned with the making of artworks as such, but can still be seen as necessary for their existence.
Both have far-reaching theoretical backgrounds, which are not discussed here by Becker, but are simply taken for granted. And a number of examples follow showing how poets copied their own manuscripts or even decided not to make them public at all Emily Dickinson.
Again, a number of examples of labour division and training activities on the basis of which labour division can occur are presented to convince the reader of the importance of this view: a lot of meat on very thin bones, so to speak.
So the answer simply appears to be: as little as is imaginable can be enough. The work of authors of scripts, composers, directors and conductors, as well as actors and set designers can be seen as artistic core activity.
Becker points out that people who like to give the artistic credit of a collectively made work to a core person see the intentions of this contributor as central to the work.
But there is only a sociological problem, because the philosophical question of who should be the artist in collectively made works can easily produce a pluralistic answer based on a thorough aesthetic analysis of the work.
It will become clear that seeing the making of art as a cooperative activity is based on what Becker calls cooperative links, which for their part are executed in shared practices based on a joint knowledge of conventions.
This is all the more interesting when specialized personnel, such as musicians, printers or technicians, participate in executing the work.
Becker makes especially clear how conventions relate artists to people involved in the domains of the distribution and reception of art: composers write music which requires more performers than existing organizations can pay for.
Playwrights write plays so long that audiences will not sit through them. Becker pays special attention to the role of conventions in the relations between artists and distributors, on the one hand, and between artists and audiences, on the other.
His point of departure is that the domain of distribution is there to generate income for the artists, so that they can make new work and so on and so forth: Fully developed art worlds Maybe the strength of this lies in the fact that the public-sale system can be considered the most general type of art distribution in the industrialized world.
But opportunities for artists to escape from overly strong constraints imposed by a distribution system seem to exist.
One possibility has been mentioned already: artists who are refused by an existing system can try to develop a new one, more adequate to their work.
If their work is already strong enough and already offers the existing distribution system an opportunity to make some money or to have hope for doing so at a future time, deviant work can even try to change the existing distribution system.
For, as has been noted before, works have to be experienced by others in order to be artworks, according to Becker, and artworks make the artist.
So self-support and patronage can be considered resource systems in the domain of production which break the chain of producing-presenting-selling-buying and materials-making for new work.
In the latter case there has to be something of an employment situation within which the artist delivers the type of works asked for. To challenge conventional distribution systems is not without significance, simply because distribution institutions, such as museums or concert and theatre halls, are the organizers of the encounters between art and audiences.
But, because of the conventionalized way of organizing the aesthetic encounter, it will always be of a certain type and for a public with a certain background.
If that is true, we can understand any work as the product of a choice between conventional ease and success and unconventional trouble and lack of recognition.
The last-mentioned possibility depends on the extent to which an audience is prepared to cooperate with the artist in responding to his work and in this way provide financial resources to continue making art.
Becker is more than clear about his opinion that conventions do change and the distribution of conventional knowledge with them. One of the important aspects of a sociological analysis of a social world, he notes, is how participants draw the lines between what is characteristic for that world and what not.
This is definitely true, but whether it can be called a sociological analysis is questionable.
Two other, more theoretical difficulties, both already mentioned, keep coming up throughout the text. As has become clear, Becker cannot and will not defend this view against his own opinion that art becomes art only by challenging conventions, but this should lead to the idea that so-called artists who do not innovate on conventional ways of aesthetic perception should not be called artists anymore, at least not in art sociological studies.
Also, further to this point, an art philosophical choice should be made to find a solution. In the first place, Becker is right when he states that no other study has opened up so many views on so many activities and links between them in the art world.
It definitely gives a very concrete picture of what is going on in that world, as well as a lot of material and a new understanding of what is worth studying further.
The most important contribution to the study of art worlds and the understanding of their functioning lies, however, in the amount of attention Becker devotes to the distribution system.
Although he does not define, categorize or study it very systematically, he does deal with it as the central domain in an art world where production and reception come together and where the functioning of art in society is organized for a large part.
This is a huge step forward in the direction this study should go. In a sense, sociology without institutional thinking is not really imaginable, but the main issue behind many conflicts between sociological schools concerns just this: the extent to which institutions dominate participant behaviour, or the other way round.
Becker, as we saw, barely discusses the concept of institutions and prefers to think along the lines of conventions, because they leave more room open for considering the participants themselves as being responsible for their types of interactivity.
How compellingly they govern social relationships, as well as how much space for change or deviance they leave, are points of discussion among institutionalists.
Why the New Institutionalists, who are especially active in the sociological study of organizations, are discussed here, is because some of them, especially DiMaggio, have applied their views to parts of the art world.
Besides the implicit criticism of symbolic interactionism institutionalists have, the empirical way in which they research concrete institutionalizing, as well as institutionalized processes in the art world, legitimizes the introduction of the New Institutionalists at the end of this chapter devoted to Howard Becker.
DiMaggio and Powell try to trace this relationship in their introductory chapter in The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis , highlighting the work of Philip Selznick , and Talcott Parsons Both institutionalisms share a scepticism towards rational-actor models of organization, and each views institutionalization as a state-dependent process Both emphasize the relationship between organizations and their environments Each approach stresses the role of culture in shaping organizational reality.
They not only refer to the relationship between individual and institutional influence on societal processes, but also to the question of how institutions enable changes to occur.
Usually institutions are thought of as constraining change as well as innovative action within organizations, especially because they reduce uncertainty.
Finally, new institutionalism as a theoretical approach has to compete with network theories. So networks are seen as sets of relationships directly connected to exchange or transactional activities, whereas institutions function in relation to these networks as sets of guiding and controlling principles, norms and patterns of acting, operating around the network, as well as inside it and internalized by actors in the network.
For that reason they consider the theatre rather than the creative artist as their unit of analysis, relying on Becker and Bourdieu, among others.
A less important but striking methodological aspect is the concept of artistic innovation in theatre. It is questionable whether this very restricted idea of artistic innovation in US resident theatres in the early s has had any influence on research outcomes because, from that period onwards, theatre people all over the world have experimented with brand-new ways of performing well-known plays and regular theatre-goers would have been exposed to important aspects of artistic innovation as well.
Based on DiMaggio , the authors determined four parts to this process, presented here extensively in order to be able to compare them with the conditions Bourdieu formulates for the development of what he sees as a field: 1.
An increase in the extent of interaction among organizations 2. The emergence of interorganizational structures of domination and patterns of coalition 3.
Institutional isomorphism has three forms: coercive, mimetic and normative isomorphism. The first form results from formal and informal pressures by other organizations in the field and by cultural expectations in society.
Mimetic isomorphism means that organizations model themselves by imitating other successful organizations with a similar position in the field.
Uncertainty and ambiguous goals stimulate mimetic processes, according to DiMaggio and Powell. DiMaggio and Powell determine two aspects of professionalization that cause isomorphism: a cognitive base produced by university specialists and professional networks that span organizations and across which new models diffuse rapidly.
In this article the role of professionals appears to be central in the structuration of the field concerned. By , the dominant form of art museums in the US reflected the interests of urban elites who governed these museums.
Conservation and sacralization of the collection were central tasks. DiMaggio determines several factors that have influenced the decisive role of professionalization in the struggle between both movements.
Between and , the number of art museums increased from 60 to about In addition the museums themselves grew rapidly, as well as, necessarily, their staff.
Something similar happened with higher education in the fine arts. In fewer than one in four universities offered courses in art history, by almost all of them did.
Between and the number of members grew from 81 to museums and from to individuals To illustrate this trend, DiMaggio sums up how Carnegie supported activities that could be considered as dimensions of professionalization and structuration.
The first five dimensions are: production of university-trained experts; creation of a body of knowledge; organization of professional associations; consolidation of a professional elite; and increasing the organizational salience of professional expertise The four dimensions of structuration, according to which projects supported by the Carnegie Corporation were carried out, concerned: increases in the density of interorganizational contacts; increases in the flow of information; emergence of a centre-periphery structure; and the collective definition of a field Figure 2.
Increase in the extent of interaction 2. Increasing density of interorganisational contact normative 2. Increasing flow of information 3.
Emergence of center-periphery structure 4. Production of university-trained experts 2. Creation of a body of knowledge 3. Organisation of professional associations 4.
Consolidation of a professional elite 5. Increasing the organisational salience of professional expertise To make a bridge to the next chapter it can be noted that the borders between subsystems within the field of art sociology are relatively strictly guarded; DiMaggio and Bourdieu seem to have developed their field theories without extensively exchanging or integrating their mutual efforts and views.
New York: The Free Press. The general system theory offers a better solution for this problem by using the concept of system borders which can be chosen by the system analyst on the basis of a level of aggregation, on the one hand, and the aspects to be analyzed, on the other.
See, for instance, G. From the Standpoint of a Social-Behaviorist. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, and H.
Englewood-Cliffs, N. His example of a technical activity that was seen as art at a certain moment in history, sound-mixing, is a weak one, because sound-mixing developed itself from a craft into an art just by becoming a different type of activity.
Further possibilities in this direction will be worked out in the third part of this book. This was the strategy Brecht and Benjamin saw as a task for left-wing artists: to change the production film and distribution theatre system by having their work accepted.
Besides patrons, authorities can also be commissioners or buyers of artistic work; in these cases they act as a normal party in the market system.
See M. New York: Free Press. This study made use of a revised version of this article that is included in Powell and DiMaggio eds. Leaning on, although also attacking, the French neo-Marxist-structuralist tradition of the s Althusser,1 Hadjinicolaou, Macherey he began his career with the critical study of education, in particular how educational systems reproduce class distinctions.
His magnum opus, published in , is La distinction: Critique sociale du jugement English translation in Distinction: a Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste , in which he shows how different tastes in particular aesthetic tastes are connected with, and in a sense determined by, levels of education and class background.
This book, from which every art sociologist in the Western world had to quote during the two decades that followed in order to be taken seriously, will not be discussed here.
It does not concern the main topics of the present study specifically, although some of the concepts developed in it such as habitus or the distinction between aesthetic and functional disposition are most useful for understanding the opportunities for art to function in society.
These concepts will play a role in the second part of the present study, in which the possible values and functions of art will be discussed.
In this short text of about seven pages, Bourdieu listed his central thoughts about what fields are and how they work.
Genesis and Structure of the Literary Field, In this book he brings all his views as well as a lot of earlier written texts on the working of cultural fields together, not only in a theoretical way, but also in order to demonstrate the working of field laws and mechanisms in the literary field during the second half of the nineteenth century in France.
This chapter will consist of two main parts. In the lastmentioned section, special attention will be paid to the on-going problem of the relation between determination and opportunities for change in an institutional context, in this case, in a field.
The critical views of Laermans and Heinich, among others, will be discussed. Figure 3. To be extremely brief, the figure can be paraphrased in just a couple of lines: An artistic field is a structure of relations between positions which, with the help of several forms of capital, on the one hand, and based on a joint illusio and their own doxa, on the other, struggle for specific symbolic capital prestige.
The positions are occupied by agents, who take these positions on the basis of their habitus. Positions can be defined on several levels, from the very general, such as the level of the avantgarde or traditionalists, to the very detailed, such as the micro -level of the Dutch experimental flat-floor theatre of the s or the large-scale American musical of the s.
The two main sub-fields Bourdieu discerns within the literary field in nineteenth-century France, those of restricted and large-scale production, can be considered two sets of positions, each, for its part, structured as a space of sub-positions.
The term position suggests a hierarchical relationship, usually between the agents in a field.
This hierarchy stems from the way in which the specific capital of the field has been divided among the artistic positions. Because the artistic field is a field of symbolic production, the profits to be won have the form of symbolic capital, especially artistic prestige within the field and possibly, depending on the relationship with other fields, also within those other fields as well.
Strictly speaking, the artistic positions as such are not hierarchically organized although they can only exist within a set of relationships , but the distribution of artistic prestige among the positions and the struggle to win more of it is what organizes the hierarchy.
As said before, artistic positions are and, of course, have to be occupied by organizations or individuals, who, as a consequence, take on a hierarchical relationship to one another.
All these positions are occupied by agents, art organizations called institutions or individual artists whose habituses correspond with the concerned position.
The dispositions active in the habitus are achieved through an implicit or explicit process of education, which brings us to the concept of cultural capital.
He sees the social world as an accumulated history and the typical feature of capital as compared to money is exactly that it accumulates.
That also holds for the three main forms in which capital can appear, and so Bourdieu discerns economic, social and cultural capital. It is not recognized as capital, and can only function by not being recognized as capital, which means as accumulated labour.
Something similar holds for cultural capital, described by Bourdieu as a form of knowledge that equips the social agent with appreciation for or competence in deciphering cultural relations and cultural artefacts.
Cultural capital can appear in three different states. The one mentioned above is the embodied, or incorporated state, which means cultural capital as a set of dispositions an agent has at his disposal to handle cultural utterances.
These dispositions are acquired during educational processes in the family and at school. They are a personal form of capital that cannot be transferred to others immediately.
What makes this form of capital particularly appropriate as symbolic thus unrecognizable capital is that the process of acquiring it is invisible to a great extent.
The appropriation of cultural capital takes place in a long-term, often implicit and veiled process that corresponds to socialization as a whole.
Cultural capital can be objectified in material carriers, such as books, paintings, songs, films, musical instruments or costumes.
All these objects can be transferred as economic goods, but that is only half of the story, or less. Appropriating artworks as goods with the help of economic capital does not automatically include the appropriation of artworks as symbolic goods.
The third form cultural capital can adopt is the institutionalized state, in which it consists of diplomas, titles and other forms of institutional recognition.
The result can be that cultural capital in the institutionalized state does not correspond fully to the cultural capital a person has embodied at a certain moment.
For the qualified person the diploma has a double value. First, he or she does not need to prove the presence of sufficient cultural capital in embodied state because this is guaranteed by the educational institution; second, the diploma has an economic value: it offers admittance to specific parts of the labour market and, under normal circumstances, to a field of jobs and matching income.
The last-mentioned feature of cultural capital in an institutionalized state makes clear that capital can be transformed from one form into another, in this case from the cultural into the economic.
Strictly speaking all forms of capital can be traced back to economic capital, albeit at the expense of higher or lower transformation costs.
As has been made clear before, symbolic forms of capital, such as social and cultural capital, give admittance to values simply by not being experienced as a form of economic capital.
This means that the transformation of symbolic forms of capital into economic capital does not work if the first forms lose their peculiar capacity of accumulation in this process.
If, for instance, a student shows in his attitude that he is more interested in the final diploma than in the subjects to be studied, his teachers will never recommend him for a job in the field concerned.
And, the other way round, this means that to get high economic profits from social or cultural capital, one should not only invest time and money in both these forms, but also in the process of transformation into economic capital itself.
For artists who take up positions in an artistic field and participate in the struggle for specific winnings, that is, artistic prestige, the character and amount of their cultural capital in the three states is decisive, apart from the use they can make of economic and social capital.
Social capital especially will often play a mediating role in the transformation of cultural capital into economic winnings.
In this way Bourdieu tries to escape from the alternatives of understanding artistic developments as purely internal, autonomous questions, or as being fully determined by external, societal factors.
The value of his concept has to be proved, according to Bourdieu, by comparing different types of fields, such as the intellectual, the economic, the religious, and so on, in order to find out whether general properties of fields can be discovered.
These dynamics are discussed more extensively in the next section, which concerns the artistic field in particular. In that article he sums up a number of laws, which can be divided into four field mechanisms and three aspects of field identification, which are all reproduced here in brief b : Points 3 and 4 concern conditions for the existence and functioning of a field.
The notions habitus, illusio, doxa and nomos play an important role in this and will be elaborated further. The three other issues help to identify a field and can be compared with the factors DiMaggio determined as central in the development of what he calls an organizational field see chapter 2.
Generally speaking, whereas Bourdieu searches for objective, underlying structures and processes that govern field dynamics, DiMaggio looks for visible changes in a developing field and especially finds an increase in interaction and the consequences of that in the form of structuration of the relationships and awareness of the participants in them.
After all, this illusio is shared by all the participants in their collusio, their veiled playing together. They are brought about in sub-fields or by newcomers and are experienced as heresy by the guardians of orthodoxy.
This classifying principle is called the nomos, which, logically, is strongly connected to the doxa and the illusio.
The habitus, finally, can be seen as the central notion in this circle of terms, because it connects the illusio to the doxa, or, put in a broader context, it links the agent and the positions in a field, one to another.
In the first version a more or less simple notation indicates the dominant and dominated positions between and partly within the fields see figure 3.
But the more important issue behind this figure is that the field of cultural production is contained in the field of power, so it is part of the dominant section of society, but, at the same time, within the field of power it is dominated.
In other words, struggles, positions and position-takings are governed by hierarchies on two different scales: a horizontal and a vertical one.
The first concerns the relative degree of external versus internal, or heteronomous versus autonomous influence on the structure of the field, based on the position of the cultural field itself in the field of power.
This degree can be expressed in terms of the autonomy of the field with respect to the environment. Both hierarchies are interwoven: the greater the autonomy of a field, the stronger the consecrated positions within the field; or, the other way around, the weaker the position of the field is in relation to the environment in terms of autonomy, the stronger are the market-oriented positions within the field.
The relationship between the different fields and the forms of capital has been worked out by Bourdieu in The Rules of Art figure 3.
The figure shows that lack of economic capital and presence of cultural capital are coherent with a high degree of autonomy, as is the case for the sub-field of restricted production, for example, forms of avant-garde art; and, on the other hand, that lack of cultural capital and presence of economic capital are connected with heteronomous influences, as is the case for large-scale art production, such as a musical or a Hollywood film.
In the first place, Bourdieu designed this figure for his study on the French literary field at the end of the nineteenth century, which does not mean that the model holds for all possible art worlds in all possible periods.
To be specific, in the first instance, the role of the state has remarkably changed the relationship between economic and cultural capital in the twentieth century, a fortiori since the Second World War, a point in time when state subsidy strengthened the autonomy of several art worlds, albeit not the literary world.
Nobel Prize-winning authors and painters who are exhibited in the main museums for modern art throughout the world, on the contrary, occupy highly consecrated positions, although partly active in the sub-field of large-scale production where economic capital can easily accumulate.
Idem: More especially, the orthodox representation of reality is likely to give people the feeling that what they experience is, indeed, the obvious representation of reality.
Because of the specific character of aesthetic languages, the degree of mediation in the field of artistic production is relatively high, as is the degree of autonomy of the field.
Still, there will always be a continuing struggle for dominance between autonomous and heteronomous forces in the field, the im balance between which is determined by the degree of autonomy of the field as a whole.
Values typical for this field have a symbolic character, which means that economic value or interest is veiled and disavowed, in favor of pure aesthetic intentions and disinterestedness as core categories in the artistic field.
Prestige is strongly connected to consecration; the latter generates the first. Positions, agents and their work are more or less consecrated by the discourse in the field, based on, for example, by whom they are discussed, in what types of publications, and so on.
The more autonomous a sub- field is, the more significantly the consecration will be generated within the inner circle of involved people.
In the previous section, the hierarchy was concerned with the relation between the cultural field and others, such as the fields of economics and politics, whereas on the vertical axis the distribution of consecration within the field was determined.
Now, besides this internal vertical fight, a struggle for legitimacy on the horizontal axis appears to occur within the field itself as well.
In figure 3. The idea of a monopoly of the definition of art is, also according to Bourdieu, a delusion because of the very open boundaries of the cultural field.
He calls them extremely porous and attributes this to the low degree of codification of the field. For agents, this space presents itself as the relationship between their own sets of dispositions and the structural chance of access to positions But it is questionable whether it also generates the possibility of more or less radical changes in the field.
This means that, for the agents, the margins of freedom will be smaller. In general, because of the unbalanced relationship between their position and their habitus, these agents feel relatively free from the constraints inscribed in the structure.
He argues that there is a strong homology between the structures of the cultural field and the field of power, which creates a link between groups of agents in the first and possible audiences in the latter field.
In the preface to a collection of her articles in Dutch, Nathalie Heinich calls Bourdieu the personification of the neo-Marxist tradition HeinichMerely wanna comment on few general things, The website design is perfect, the content material is really superb. Come on over and seek advice source my web site. The young boys were for that reason happy to study them serie rosan have absolutely been tapping into these things. Generally bones staffel 11 do not learn post on blogs, but I wish to say that this write-up very pressured me to try and do so! The web site loading speed is amazing. Quickbooks Tech Support Number Donnerstag, You managed to hit the nail upon the top and defined out the whole thing without having der fГјrst das mГ¤dchenpeople can take a signal. Where else could anyone get that kind of information in such a perfect method of writing?